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Bad news has been the norm for Catholics in Nicaragua, where clergy and church groups have been frequent targets of a wide-ranging crackdown for years. But on January 14, 2024, they received a happy surprise: The government unexpectedly released two bishops, 15 priests and two seminary students from prison and expelled them<\/a> to the Vatican.<\/p>\n Those released included Bishop Rolando \u00c1lvarez<\/a>, a high-profile political prisoner who was detained in 2022 for criticizing the government and then sentenced to 26 years in prison for alleged treason<\/a>.<\/p>\n They also included<\/a> priests detained by<\/a> President Daniel Ortega\u2019s government in late December 2023 for expressing solidarity<\/a> with \u00c1lvarez and other political prisoners. Days later, Pope Francis criticized the regime<\/a> in his New Year\u2019s message and then called for<\/a> \u201crespectful diplomatic dialogue.\u201d<\/p>\n Nearly six years after mass protests erupted<\/a> against Ortega and then were brutally repressed, these prisoner releases offer some hope to Nicaragua\u2019s opposition. As my research<\/a> has shown<\/a>, however, the Ortega regime is unrelenting<\/a> in trying to retain power<\/a>, which suggests this is not necessarily a turning point. In fact, the government reportedly took yet another priest into custody<\/a> on January 16.<\/p>\n Ortega first led Nicaragua from 1979 to 1990, after his left-wing revolutionary organization, the Sandinista National Liberation Front, or FSLN, spearheaded the overthrow of dictator Anastasio Somoza Debayle. In the 1980s, the FSLN clashed with the Vatican<\/a> and church hierarchy over the group\u2019s socialist politics, even as many poorer Nicaraguan Catholics embraced them<\/a>.<\/p>\n When Ortega took office again in 2007, however, he did so with the blessing of Christian leaders<\/a>. During the 2006 elections, he had turned to alliances with Catholic<\/a> and Protestant elites<\/a> to return to power<\/a> in exchange for adopting<\/a> conservative social policies like banning abortion<\/a>.<\/p>\n Over the next decade, Ortega remained popular<\/a>, presiding over economic growth in collaboration with business leaders<\/a> and developing new public infrastructure and services.<\/p>\n Yet he and the FSLN party he controlled<\/a> were also consolidating power<\/a> and governing in an increasingly authoritarian<\/a> manner. Ortega won reelection in 2011<\/a> and then retained power in fraudulent elections<\/a> in 2016. Opposition candidates were disqualified, and Ortega\u2019s running mate was his wife, Rosario Murillo<\/a>.<\/p>\n Unexpectedly<\/a>, Ortega\u2019s popularity and his relationship with the church came crashing down in April 2018, when the government announced cutbacks in social security benefits for retirees. Nicaraguans from all backgrounds<\/a> took to the streets<\/a>, and Ortega and Murillo responded with a furious crackdown<\/a>, unleashing police and pro-government paramilitaries armed with military-grade weapons<\/a>.<\/p>\n Cathedrals and churches tried to<\/a> offer refuge<\/a> to protesters, but over 300 people were killed<\/a>. Church leaders facilitated a national dialogue between the government and an opposition coalition, but withdrew<\/a> as repression continued<\/a>.<\/p>\n When popular Catholic leaders criticized violence<\/a> against protesters, the regime began viewing the church as a rival<\/a> threatening Ortega\u2019s waning legitimacy. Police, paramilitaries and FSLN supporters started harassing and attacking<\/a> clergy and Catholic institutions<\/a>.<\/p>\n In 2019, the pope recalled Silvio B\u00e1ez<\/a>, the auxiliary bishop of Managua and a prominent critic of Ortega, from Nicaragua. Yet other bishops and priests still found themselves in the regime\u2019s crosshairs<\/a>.<\/p>\n Some fled into exile<\/a> or were blocked from entering<\/a> Nicaragua if they traveled abroad. Others who stayed were kept under surveillance. Priests who expressed support for political prisoners or continued to criticize the regime, even in vague terms, could be arrested or beaten<\/a>.<\/p>\n The government expelled 12 formerly detained priests to the Vatican in October 2023<\/a> after what the regime called \u201cfruitful conversations<\/a>.\u201d But \u00c1lvarez, the highest-profile political prisoner, was still held by the government and was stripped of his citizenship after refusing to go into exile<\/a> in February 2023.<\/p>\n Attacks on the church are a symptom<\/a> of the Ortega regime\u2019s absolute intolerance for dissent.<\/p>\n With over 3,000 nongovernmental organizations<\/a> shut down<\/a> since 2018, the church has become Nicaragua\u2019s only major nonstate institution<\/a> with nationwide reach.<\/p>\n [Editor\u2019s note from CT: This year, Nicaragua saw the sharpest rise on Open Doors\u2019 World Watch List<\/a> due to restrictions on religious freedom, seizure of church and ministry properties, and the arrest or exile of Christian leaders. <\/em><\/p>\n The Nicaraguan government has shut down at least 256 evangelical organizations<\/a> in the past two years. While over a third of Nicaraguans identify as evangelical<\/a>, experts say<\/a> the persecution of evangelicals has been \u201cmore silent\u201d because some of their leaders still support Ortega\u2019s government and critics don\u2019t speak out for fear of retribution.<\/em>]<\/p>\n In a country where over 40 percent of the people<\/a> identify as Catholic, many normally turn to the church in times of need<\/a>. Suppressing Catholic institutions means Nicaraguans must turn to the state for aid, which monitors citizens<\/a> and has been accused of denying<\/a> services for perceived disloyalty.<\/p>\n At least 27<\/a> Catholic and secular universities<\/a> have also been closed or seized<\/a> by the government, as have more than 50<\/a> media outlets<\/a>.<\/p>\n The government\u2019s decision to expel clergy on January 14 is also in line with its tendency to either block opponents\u2019 reentry<\/a> into Nicaragua or force them into exile<\/a>. In many cases, Nicaragua has then revoked critics\u2019 citizenship, as when it expelled 222 political prisoners in February 2023<\/a> to the United States.<\/p>\n When imprisonment or threats have not shaken critics\u2019 resolve, Ortega and Murillo appear to have decided that keeping them abroad is best<\/a>. Not only does this reduce the risks of anti-regime action in Nicaragua, but it may diminish international scrutiny of political prisoners\u2019 mistreatment<\/a>.<\/p>\n Since 2018, repression in Nicaragua has come in waves, with the brutal violence that repressed the protests shifting toward an environment<\/a> of constant surveillance<\/a>, legal actions against independent institutions and opponents, and periodic arrests. Moments of seeming calm, however, have often been followed by harsh crackdowns<\/a>, such as a slew of arrests<\/a> ahead of the 2021 elections<\/a>.<\/p>\n Even as repression has mounted, the Vatican has been cautious<\/a> about criticizing Ortega and Murillo, and some Nicaraguans and Catholics abroad<\/a> have urged the pope to do more<\/a>. Yet the Vatican\u2019s restraint has not appeared to decrease threats against clergy<\/a> or limits on activities like religious processions<\/a>.<\/p>\n In January 2024, however, Francis pointedly called attention to the crisis<\/a> during two speeches, days after a dozen priests<\/a> were arrested. One week later came the release of \u00c1lvarez and his colleagues \u2013 free to leave Nicaragua, but not to come back.<\/p>\n Catholic leaders remain Nicaragua\u2019s most popular figures<\/a>, according to independent polling. This makes them a continued threat to Ortega and Murillo\u2019s quest for total control<\/a>. Ezequiel Buenfil Bat\u00fan, the priest detained January 16, belonged to a religious order whose legal status was revoked<\/a> that same day, along with several other nongovernment organizations.<\/p>\n As many Nicaraguans lose hope<\/a> of conditions improving and dozens of political prisoners remain jailed<\/a>, any positive news like the priests\u2019 release is welcome. But it holds no guarantees of broader change ahead.<\/p>\n Kai M. Thaler is assistant professor of global studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara. This article originally appeared at The Conversation<\/a>.<\/em><\/p>\n <\/div>\nWhy target the church?<\/h4>\n
Broader patterns of repression<\/h4>\n
Cautious criticism<\/h4>\n